Haiti

Five years after a devastating earthquake, Haiti remains plagued by a weak political system and flawed reconstruction process, says former correspondent Jonathan M. Katz.

One year after Haiti’s earthquake, a contested presidential election, the return of Baby Doc Duvalier, and problems with redevelopment hobble the country’s efforts to rebuild, says Haitian philanthropist Jacques-Philippe Piverger.

Can Haiti rebuild better, with improved stability and prosperity? Four top experts stress different approaches to enable Haitians to rebuild and sustain their economy and public sector.

The cholera epidemic that has added to the list of Haiti’s post-earthquake miseries is a reminder that what Haiti needs more than anything else is good governance that would lead to better infrastructure and safe water.

Haiti’s cholera outbreak is exacerbated by unclean water and a subpar sanitation system, and lagging infrastructure repairs highlight the inadequate global response to the country’s earthquake in January, says CFR’s Laurie Garrett.

The $9.9 billion pledged toward Haitian reconstruction at last week’s donors’ conference will be ineffective without insisting that funding for housing and jobs be wedded to overall goals for Haitian political and economic stability, says CFR expert Kara McDonald.

Haiti’s earthquake created a need for a tremendous short-term relief effort but also long-term reconstruction that could take decades and cost billions, says former Peace Corps director Mark L. Schneider.

Haiti’s earthquake lays bare woeful political and economic dysfunctions, but in the global disaster response, there is a chance to get aid right, writes CFR’s Kara C. McDonald.

On the annual occasion of World AIDS day, CFR health expert Laurie Garrett points to problems in tracking and addressing the disease.

Jean-Marie Guéhenno, undersecretary-general for UN peacekeeping operations and former French ambassador to the European Union, says real progress has been made in Haiti. The poorest country in the Western Hemisphere, Haiti has been wracked by violence since the February 2004 ouster of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and elections there have been postponed four times because of instability. But Guehenno says Haiti is moving “closer to a key milestone,” the rescheduled elections February 7, and most of the country “is more or less...stabilized.” For real progress to be made, however, the United Nations must be clear it is ready to “really stay the course.” He spoke with cfr.org’s Mary Crane January 9, 2005.Let’s start by summing up the United Nations’ presence in Haiti since the departure of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide two years ago. Can you tell us what the status of UN peacekeeping forces is in Haiti? Maybe I should start by saying that the United Nations has been involved in Haiti several times in the past, and I think when we were requested to come back to Haiti after the departure of President Aristide, it was clear, I think to everybody, that this time the international community should really stay the course and learn from past failures.The main lesson from the past failures is that there was never a sufficiently comprehensive effort in Haiti. An election is an important event, but an election is the beginning of something, not the end, and it has to be complemented by a much broader effort to rebuild the state. And that’s why in Haiti today we want to address the situation on a number of fronts. First, of course, is to bring security to Haiti. The beginning of the mission, as you know, was difficult because the troops were not necessarily prepared for the challenges they encountered.And where are most of the troops from?Most of the troops come from Latin America. We have troops from Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Guatemala—there are a number of Latin American countries. These are the main countries. The leadership of the mission is also from Latin America. Since the tragic death of [UN mission commander] General [Urano Teixeira da Matta] Bacellar this weekend, we will certainly have another Brazilian commander and we are in touch with Brazil to identify a suitable force commander. It’s really our intention to keep a Brazilian force commander and Brazil has made a major commitment to the mission.So when I look at the strategy of the mission, [the] first [priority is] to bring a measure of security. Everyone is focused on what is not yet right—that is, the disarray in [the capital] Port-au-Prince. But what I see is the progress that has [been made] in the rest of the country. When you look at what the situation was even a few months ago, when [there were] road-blocking attempts in the northern part of the country, that has stopped. Myself, I was in Port-au-Prince earlier this year in June and I wanted to visit some of the tough places and one of them was Bel Air. The only way I could visit Bel Air was in an armored personal carrier with a blue helmet and jacket, and now you can walk in Bel Air.Today, there is one place that remains a very tough spot indeed and that is [the Port-au-Prince suburb of] Cité Soleil, which is a focus of our attention. We are not going to let the situation in Soleil fester. This is a touchy situation because it’s a slum, an urban environment with a high-density population. It’s the kind of place that’s very difficult to operate a military force. We are looking at ways to strengthen our posture there so we can stop the activity of the gangs and at the same time not hurt civilians.The gangs that are conducting the kidnappings?The gangs that are conducting the kidnappings and that sometimes participate in drug trade and the proliferation of weapons in Haiti. This is a serious threat. In one part of Haiti—the road that is alongside the Soleil slum—that is where most of the kidnappings happen, as well as in the slum itself, which is a very dangerous place at this stage. We’ve been discussing that with our military and our police and we’re going to intensify our operations in that part of Port-au-Prince. What I’m driving at is when you look at Haiti today, six months ago there were many spots which were “no-go” spots. Today there is one place that is a no-go spot—that is Soleil—but the rest of the country is more or less quite, or being stabilized. Now, I think Soleil is tough, also, because we are getting closer to a key milestone in the life of Haiti after the departure of President Aristide, and that is the election. I think now the election is becoming a reality. It has been postponed several times, and now we are told we are going to have a firm date in early February and I’m very pleased. We’ll have to stick to that date. I think the prospect of the elections is making a number of spoilers nervous.What needs to change between now and the February 7 elections for the vote not to be postponed again?I think the main difficulties for the election so far have been logistical. It’s been a major effort of the Organization of American States. They have put a lot of work there. There have been difficulties in producing the cards and then distributing them and making sure that everybody will collect the cards and that they will vote. So for that, you need enough time to inform the people so that they are in a position to vote on the day of the election. We are now quite convinced that there is no major technical impediment to the election.The only real threat is the people who do not want an election, because in an election, there will be winners and there will be losers. Haiti has been really afflicted by this sort of winner-take-all culture, where people feel that they can’t afford to lose.  Our message is, “Yes, there will be winners and losers but it will be in a fair and transparent election.” We will make sure that is the way the election happens. We will also make sure the winners respect the losers and that Haiti after the election will not sideline all the people who lost election. I think that is very important and that Haiti has to move beyond that culture of winner-take-all. One of the reasons for the mission to be strong in Haiti is precisely [to help] get over that.Now, that is not a message that appeals to everybody and I think, to be frank, our voice has not always been strong enough on that. We haven’t been heard as much as we should have been. We have to be very clear that we will really stay the course, supporting a police that is respected by every Haitian; a judiciary system that is a fair judiciary system; basically supporting a state of all Haitians, not a particular group of Haitians. And that way I think people will be much better prepared to accept the result of the election, whatever that result may be.These challenges touch on my last question, which is that the challenges Haiti poses are similar to challenges the UN faces in other peacekeeping operations. What conditions are necessary for peacekeeping success? And what reforms are you considering that will ensure future operations are successful, as part of Secretary-General Kofi Annan’s larger reform plans for the United Nations?Well, Haiti is a very good example of the need to connect peacekeeping and peace-building. In a peacekeeping mission, the troops with the blue helmets, they can stabilize the situation. But really, the foundation for long-term success is to have a state that can deliver the basic services of a state, starting with security and the rule of law. If that doesn’t exist, any success is very precarious indeed. And that has been the past experience of Haiti, where the international community focused on one part of the equation and forgot about the other part. And I do hope that this time we will be consistent and coherent enough to focus as much on the peace-building as on the peacekeeping side of Haiti. That’s really for me what success would mean.What specific actions do you plan to take to combine the peacekeeping and the peace-building processes in Haiti?It’s not just the policing, for instance, which has been done in the past. You also need to look at the judiciary and at the basic structures of the state. Because if you have a police force that is not paid; if you have a leadership that is not transparent; and then if you do not have a judiciary, effective corrections very quickly start to unravel. That is what has happened in the past. So you need to have a much more holistic strategy. You need to be much more comprehensive in your approach. That is usually the case.The particular challenge of Haiti is that it is a very proud country. It was one of the first independent countries [in the region] and it has been independent for 200 years, now. So it’s a very fine line for the international community to tread on. We have to be strong, we have to be forceful, but we have to be respectful so that, on the one hand, we make it clear we are not going to support anything that is corrupt or doesn’t support the interest of all the Haitians. On the other hand, we do understand that this is not our country; this is a country where we are guests and where we have to help and support.

This publication is now archived. What’s next for Haiti?After weeks of violent upheaval to protest his rule--and mounting international pressure for him to step down--President Jean-Bertrand Aristide abruptly resigned and left Haiti before dawn February 29, fleeing on a U.S. aircraft and taking temporary refuge in the Central African Republic. Supreme Court Chief Justice Boniface Alexandre was sworn in as interim president, while U.S., French, and Canadian troops arrived in Haiti as part of a U.N.-approved mission to establish order amid a continued wave of looting, rioting, and violence. What were the circumstances of Aristide’s departure?There are conflicting reports. The U.S. government says Aristide approached U.S. ambassador to Haiti James B. Foley, voluntarily resigned, and accepted a U.S. offer of safe transit to exile. Aristide, after landing in the Central African Republic, spoke by phone with members of the Congressional Black Caucus and other supporters and claimed he had been "kidnapped" and forced out of power, according to news reports. At a press conference March 1, Secretary of State Colin Powell called these claims "absolutely baseless, absurd." What is the U.N. role?Following Aristide’s departure, the U.N. Security Council convened an emergency session February 29 and unanimously approved Resolution 1529, authorizing the immediate dispatch of a multinational force to Haiti and the creation of a U.N. peacekeeping force to replace it in three months. The resolution recognizes Alexandre as the acting president of Haiti and calls on all parties in the conflict to respect the constitutional succession. How many troops are in Haiti now?There are now some 450 U.S. Marines guarding the U.S. Embassy, the airport, and other militarily significant sites. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld said in a briefing March 1 that up to 2,000 marines could be deployed. The New York Times reported March 2 that France has sent 300 troops to Haiti, with 100 police officers on the way, to guard French citizens and its embassy. Experts say officials are also discussing force contributions from the Caribbean states, Brazil, Chile, and Argentina. What caused Aristide’s downfall?Haiti has had a volatile history since a slave revolt established its independence from France in 1804. The country has seen more than 30 coups and only one democratic transition of power in that time. Years of political and economic disorder led the U.S. military to intervene in 1915, beginning a 19-year occupation. In 1934, Haiti regained sovereign rule, then suffered through years of instability and oppression under the 29-year dictatorship of the Duvalier family, which ended in 1986. Aristide, a former Roman Catholic priest who championed the cause of the poor, won the country’s first democratic presidential election in 1990. A military coup six months later deposed him, and he spent three years in exile in the United States until U.S. military action restored him to power. In recent years, experts say, Aristide had grown increasingly autocratic. A coalition of armed groups formed to oust him, and more than 100 people have died in the escalating violence, according to news reports. Opposition politicians, who said they did not condone the rebellion, also called for Aristide to step down. Why did the violence spill over now?Experts say the current crisis began with Aristide’s re-election in 2000, which was boycotted by all the major opposition parties to protest suspect parliamentary elections earlier that year. An Organization of American States Electoral Observer Mission said "a number of irregularities did compromise the credibility of these elections." Voter turnout for the subsequent presidential election, in which Aristide ran unopposed, was only 5 percent. Those disputed elections have created a political stalemate: the terms of most legislators expired in January, and Parliament has stopped functioning. A series of violent clashes--gunmen attacked the National Palace in Port-au-Prince in 2001, and police broke up opposition and civil society rallies in 2002 and 2003--led to a government crackdown on opposition members and increased tension. The current uprising broke out February 5 in the northern opposition stronghold of Gonaives following months of anti-Aristide protests. Who are the main political players in Haiti?The political opposition--a coalition of businessmen, communists, socialists, artists, and former Aristide supporters--is organized as the Democratic Platform of Civil Society and Political Parties, experts say. This includes the Convergence Democratique, a wide-ranging collection of political and civil society groups, and the Group of 184, which represents Haiti’s business community, according to Timemagazine. The leading political figures include: Boniface AlexandreHe joined the Supreme Court in 1990 and has served as chief justice for 10 years. Alexandre has said he will lead Haiti until a new government is set up; however, Haiti’s constitution calls for the interim president to be approved by Parliament, which is not functioning. Andy Apaid, Jr. A U.S.-born factory owner and outspoken member of the political opposition. Evans Paul. A playwright, journalist, and former mayor of Port-au-Prince. Some analysts say he’s Haiti’s most credible politician. "He’s the only person who can restore anything to this situation," says Robert E. White, a former diplomat and president of the Center for International Policy in Washington. Who are the rebel leaders?A collection of insurgents, prisoners, armed gang members, and ex-soldiers of the Haitian Army returned from exile, experts say. The leaders include: Louis-Jodel Chamblain. A former army sergeant and death-squadleader. He was convicted in absentia for crimes includingthe murder of a prominent businessman in 1993 and a 1994 massacreof at least 15 people. He was also implicated in the 1993assassination of Justice Minister Guy Malary. Chamblain fledto the Dominican Republic in 1994 when U.S. troops intervened,and returned to Haiti to lead the rebellion. Butteur Metayer. Head of the Revolutionary Anti-Aristide Front, he started the uprising when his forces drove police from Gonaives. Metayer’s group, the "Cannibal Army," was pro-Aristide under the leadership of Metayer’s brother, Amiot Metayer, before Amiot was assassinated in September 2003. Metayer’s followers blamed Aristide for the murder and turned against him. Guy Phillipe. Aristide’s former police chief in northern Haiti. He fled to the Dominican Republic in 2000 after being accused of plotting a coup and returned to join the current rebellion. What challenges do Haiti’s new leaders face?The first is establishing security. International troops will supplement Haiti’s ineffectual national police force, which numbers some 3,000 to 5,000. The rebels are continuing their clashes with pro-Aristide armed gangs called chimères. "They’re basically unemployed youths armed by Aristide to act as a political strike force," says James Morrell, a longtime critic of Aristide and executive director of The Haiti Democracy Project, a Washington-based think tank. Both sides have committed grisly killings against the other’s supporters, experts say.In addition, developing a governing coalition in Haiti will be very difficult, experts say. "The real dynamic is between the civilian nonviolent groups and the thug rebels," says JuliaSweig, senior fellow and deputy director of the Latin America program at the Council on Foreign Relations. "The civilians in the Haitian opposition are going to have to do everything they can to keep a civilian character to the transition government." What is the future for Aristide?It’s unclear, experts say. Currently in the Central African Republic, he is reportedly seeking permanent asylum in South Africa. South African deputy minister of foreign affairs Aziz Pahad told reporters March 2 that "in principle, we have no problem" with granting asylum to Aristide. But upcoming parliamentary elections could make such a decision a political liability for South African President Thabo Mbeki, an Aristide supporter. Opposition political parties have accused Mbeki of being too friendly with autocrats, including Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe and Iraq’s Saddam Hussein. What is the economic situation in Haiti?Haiti is one of the poorest countries in the world. It ranks 150th out of 175 countries on the United Nations Human Development Index. Some 70 percent of Haitians are unemployed, and most of the country’s 8 million residents live on less than $1 per day. "Many people have suffered under the catastrophic nature of the economy," says Robert Fatton, Jr., chair of the politics department at the University of Virginia and an expert on Haiti. Is there a Haitian army?No. After returning to power in 1994, Aristide disbanded the army. But some of the rebel leaders have vowed to re-instate the organization, known for its brutality. Rebel leaders followed by cheering crowds occupied the former headquarters of the Haitian Army on March 1, The New York Times reported. "I have a great fear that out of this mess of contradictory policies the army will be re-established," says White. What is the United States’s main concern about Haiti?Experts say officials are particularly concerned that the chaos in Haiti will send refugees fleeing on boats to the United States. During the unrest in 1991 and 1992, the U.S. Coast Guard intercepted some 41,000 Haitians at sea, more than the previous 10 years combined. On February 25, President George W. Bush warned Haitians that refugees would be turned away from American shores, saying, "We ... strongly encourage the Haitian people to stay home as we work to reach a peaceful solution to this problem." The Coast Guard has returned hundreds of Haitians to their country since the current crisis began, experts say.